Memory Research That Has Practical Implications
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Copyright 2005, W. R. Klemm. All rights reserved.
How I Got Interested in Improving Memory Capability
Well, everybody has at least a casual interest in memory. My
interest was a little more than casual, and it all began in high school. Like
most kids, I had a lot of interests besides school (girls, sports, clubs,
activities, etc.). Yet, I wanted to make good grades, mainly because by then my
parents had instilled in me a desire to do well in whatever I was obliged to do.
So, to do well in school – while still having time and energy to do all the
other things I wanted to do – I had to learn to study EFFICIENTLY. That meant
learning how to memorize things efficiently, preferably during class so I would
not have to study outside of class. After I learned a few memory tricks, I was
able to remember most things from class each day and what I did not get, I
memorized on the school bus on the way home. My days were filled with sports (I
was never any good. In football, for example, I was the lead blocking dummy),
with raising my farm animals, with numerous clubs (I was President of about 4 of
them and school President for two years). My evenings were filled with dating,
"dragging Main Street," and listening to St. Louis Cardinal baseball games. Yet
I graduated with the highest four-year average in all of the schools in Memphis,
Tennessee and surrounding Shelby County. A biology teacher (that never had me in
class) who knew my IQ was an unimpressive 113, spread the word that I would have
trouble in college, because my success was just due to being an "overachiever" –
as if that were a dirty word! My point? If you have a good memory, you can look
smarter than you really are.
The next motivation came from learning about memory tricks from the Dale
Carnegie leadership course. My dad was a recruiter for the course managers. He
got me into the course, and I learned the memory tricks that were a part of the
course. I was pretty good at it, and they decided to make me a showpiece for
their memory training at the meetings where they were recruiting enrollees. At
the start of the meeting, they would tell the audience: "Here is the latest
issue of Life magazine. Billy Klemm is a 16-year-old who has taken the course
and he will demonstrate to you the powerful memory techniques that are a part of
this course. Thirty minutes from now, Billy will memorize this magazine. He has
never seen it. Yet he will be able to tell you what every page is about, in any
order. Or, you can tell him what is on a given page, and he will tell you the
page number." Sure enough, after 30 minutes, I had memorized the magazine (and I
had NOT seem it before). The audience was astonished that I could tell them what
was on each page or could tell them the page number of any page that they
described to me. That's heady stuff for a 16-year-old. It certainly motivated me
to care about memory.
Abut this same time, I developed an interest in becoming a veterinarian. Back
then, getting into veterinary school was very competitive. There were only 19
schools in the whole country and they all had smaller classes than they do now.
The only veterinary college I could go to without paying out-of-state tuition
was Auburn, which had a contract to take only 10 students from each of the
states surrounding Alabama. So to get into veterinary school, I had to be in the
top 10 from my home state of Tennessee. I relied on my memory skills to be the
top one applicant. As an example of how memory skills helped me, I was stumbling
in calculus, going into the final exam with an F. My problem was that I was
trying to understand calculus. Finally, I gave up on understanding and just
decided to memorize all the formulas and the situations to which they applied.
Come final exam time, I made 100. The prof said, "Billy, I know you did not
cheat. I watched you like a hawk, because I knew you were desperate to salvage
that F grade. How in the world did you do it?"
Later, as a veterinary student, I discovered just how difficult that curriculum
is. There is SO much to memorize. Veterinary students take all the standard
medical courses (anatomy, physiology, pharmacology, microbiology, pathology,
public health, etc.) and in addition take surgery and medicine courses in both
large and small animal species. They have to learn about multiple species, each
of which has unique biology, diseases and treatments. Well, my memory skills
paid off, allowing me to graduate 5th in my class while at the same time being a
weekly columnist for our national award-winning university newspaper and being
active in campus politics – and enjoying courting my wife-to-be, Doris.
A few years later, I found myself working as a professor, first at Iowa State
University's College of Veterinary Medicine, and then at Texas A&M University,
first as a professor in the College of Science and then in the College of
Veterinary Medicine. I had ample opportunity to observe student performance,
good and bad. Not many years had to pass before I realized that the biggest
problem that most students had was with poor memory skills. Time and again,
students would complain about how hard they worked, without seeing corresponding
good results on tests. They taught me many lessons about what NOT to do in
studying. At least half of my time as a professor was spent in research, and my
area was brain research. Inevitably, some of my research involved memory
functions of the brain, ranging from consolidation of short-term memories to
what happens to brain electrical activity during memory recall.
The upshot of these experiences motivated me to write a book on what scientific
research reveals about how to improve everyday memory. There are over 150 ideas
explained in that book that I know can help anyone. See
http://thankyoubrain.com
Ever wonder why some people can learn like sponges, soaking up information in great gobs, while others struggle to learn? It is akin to the rich getting richer, while the poor get poorer.
Well, scientists have discovered that good learners have learned how to learn. This is especially evident for specific areas of expertise, where an existing expertise makes it easier to become even more expert. This principle was recently rediscovered (actually it was discovered at least twice before, dating back to 1932). The idea is being framed in terms of “schema,” or pre-existing knowledge that makes it easier to make associations with new information. The experiments actually focused on how having a schema speeds up the consolidation process.
In the study, rats learned to associate six locations in a testing arena with six different flavored foods. Learning was produced by letting the rats taste a given flavor in a start box and then it could get more if it went to the correct matching location. They learned this task gradually, taking about six weeks to learn where in the arena each flavored food was placed. The role of consolidation processes was demonstrated by lesioning the hippocampus in some of the rats, which were unable to learn the task.
So where does evidence of a schema come in? These same rats were able to learn new flavor/place associations within one trial and could remember for at least two weeks. Moreover, it the hippocampus were destroyed as early after two days after the new learning, memory was not impaired. Normally, this would prevent consolidation. Thus, there was a clear indication that having a schema speeded up consolidation, so that it was completed within two days. (Hippocampal lesions do not impair already consolidated memories, only those in the process of consolidation).
So what is the take-home message for people? Just this: learn, learn, learn. The more you learn, the more schemas you are developing, making it easier to learn even more. My guess is that this principle is especially useful for learning such things as a foreign language, music, or an academic discipline. This richness really will become richer.
Source: Tse, D. et al. 2007. Schemas and memory consolidation. Science. 316: 76-82.
Learning to Learn II – Learning Can Increase the Biological Capacity to Learn
I explained in my book on memory that the hippocampus is the brain structure that promotes consolidation of (declarative) short-term memories into long-term memories. I have also reviewed studies showing that the hippocampus is the one structure in the brain that clearly receives newborn nerve cells, even in the adult. New cells can enhance the ability of the hippocampus to create lasting memories. What has not been emphasized is the importance of survival of new neurons. To be of lasting benefit, new neurons must survive beyond just being born.
Insight into the requirements for neuron survival has come in a recent study by J. R. Epp and colleagues at the University of British Columbia. They injected rats with a chemical marker for DNA that shows up in any new DNA, that is in any newly born cells. If that marker shows up in a cell, it means that that this is a new cell that has incorporated the marker along with its new DNA.
Immediately after injection of the marker, the experimenters trained the rats in a large pool of water that had a safe platform located 2 cm under the water surface where rats could learn its location from seeing cues outside of the pool (such as windows, doors, pictures on the wall, etc.). Other studies had established that learning this task is accomplished by the hippocampus. Rats were divided into groups and trained on days 1-5, 6-10, or 11-15 after injection of the DNA marker. The new DNA marker showed up only in rats trained on days 6-10 after marker injection. This indicated that there must have been new neurons in the hippocampus of these rats that did not survive in the two groups where marker was not seen. Put another way, for new neurons to survive there is a critical period where they have to be stimulated by learning experiences. Without that stimulus, they die.
Earlier studies had shown that new neurons in rat hippocampus have a development cycle wherein 6-10 days after birth is a middle stage of development in which new neurons are rapidly sending out membrane processes in search of contacts with other neurons, When neurons make contact with targets they can survive. The stimulus of learning thus provides a stimulus for forming new synapses with other neurons, thus enabling new neurons to survive.
The data were originally pooled across all rats in each test group. However, when the data were segregated by how well rats learned (the top and bottom 50 %), it became clear that it was only the poor learners that were showing an effect on new-neuron survival by maze learning. Poor learners probably got more stimulation from the learning because their brains had to work harder at it. It wasn’t that much of a mental challenge for good learners.
We know that
humans are continually producing new neurons in the hippocampus. The issue is
the need to experience enough demanding learning to help these new neurons
survive. The critical period for learning to influence new-neuron survival in
humans is not known.
So, the practical take-home message is that we need to be learning
constantly, every day, so that no matter what the critical period is, we will be
helping our new neurons to survive. Survival of new neurons means a greater
biological capacity for learning, at least in people who are not good learners.
In other words, here is a clear case where the “poor get richer.”
Source: Epp, J. D., Spritzer, M. D., and Gales, L. A. M. 2007. Hippocampus-dependent learning promotes survival of new neurons in the dentate gyrus at a specific time during cell maturation. Behavioural Neuroscience. 149: 273-285.
Some things are easier to unlearn than others. In a simple Pavlov conditioned learning situation, for example, it is relatively easy to unlearn something that has been conditioned by separating the paired cue and the learned object. Now a study of humans shows that a conditioned fear response to faces from a social group different from one's own social group is more resistant to extinction than is a similarly conditioned fear response to faces from one's own social group. This bias appears to be less in people who have had greater experience with the social out-group.
In the study, white participants had more trouble unlearning conditioned fears in responses to pictures of black faces than to pictures of white faces when the faces were paired with an aversive stimulus (mild electric shock). Similarly, black participants had more trouble unlearning conditioned fears in responses to pictures of white faces than to pictures of black faces. Unlearning these biases was promoted by inter-racial dating. The implications for racial or ethnic prejudice seem inescapable and may be biologically based.
Social behavior may be a product of evolution. Cohesion within a like-group is promoted by built-in tendencies for suspicion toward strangers and a readiness to develop persistent fear of them. At the same time, however, such social behavior promotes inter-group prejudice and conflict.
The more general point is that our biological nature makes some things easier to learn and harder to unlearn than others.
Source: Olsson, A. et al. 2005. the role of social groups in the persistence of learned fear. Science. 309: 785-787.
Where You Are Affects What You Learn
An important principle of learning is called "State-dependent
Learning," which I describe in the chapter on association and in several other
places in my recent book. Basically, the principle holds that memory recall is
affected by the mental state you are in. A drunk, for example, remembers events
that occurred during drinking better when he is drinking again than he can when
sober. Another example is that a student will usually perform better on an exam
if it is given in the same room as was used for the original instruction.
Now comes an interesting study in rats that elaborates this principle from
collaborating scientists in Norway and at the University of Arizona. They
recorded electrical firing from neurons in different parts of the hippocampus, a
brain structure that is crucial for formation of explicit memories. Some of
these neurons are "place" neurons that are sensitive to location; these neurons
help the brain form a spatial map of where you are. Rats were constrained inside
a chamber that they could see through, and testing occurred under two
conditions: 1) cues in the chamber were varied, but the chamber stayed in the
same room, and 2) cues in the chamber stayed the same, but the chamber was
tested in two different rooms, each with different cues.
What the researchers observed was that firing rate, and which hippocampal
neurons fired, faithfully reflected the environmental condition and that these
response patterns were independent of each other. That is, both the chamber cues
and the room cues were independently and reliably mapped.
So how does this apply to practical memory? First, it suggests that multiple
cues associated with what we are trying to learn are important. The cues can
reinforce each other and enhance memory, because all the cues are being
faithfully registered (I point out in my book that information is distributed,
but linked, throughout the brain). It also says that what we learn can be
affected by where we are and the cues present where we are. This is particularly
true if where we are stirs up emotions that are not conducive to learning, such
as cues that trigger negative emotions (my book has a whole chapter on the role
of emotions in memory). And these findings may also help explain certain aspects
of state-dependent learning. Synergistic effects on memory can be produced if
the where-we-are-information is paired with what-we-are-supposed-to-learn
information, both during learning and during the need to recall. Because both
kinds of information can get faithfully and independently encoded, they can
reinforce each other or interfere with each other during recall, depending on
whether a mis-match occurs between the learning and the recall situations.
Source: Leutgeb, S. et al. 2005. Independent codes for spatial and episodic
memory in hippocampal neuronal ensembles. Science 309, p. 619-623.
What Do New Neurons Do To Help Memory?
Cells in one area of the hippocampus, the dentate gyrus, are
needed to convert short-term, scratch pad, memory into permanent form. This is
the part of the brain that is best known for turnover of nerve cells (elsewhere,
nerve cells do not die except with aging and they typically are not replaced).
Animal experiments have shown that the production of new nerve cells in the
hippocampus is stimulated by enriched environments and by learning experiences.
But do these new cells function normally? Do they support learning? And do these
new neurons survive? Some animal observations indicate that new neurons in the
hippocampus only live about one month.
An answer has come from some recent animal experiments that examined the role of
new neurons in adults in learning of a water maze and the effect of the maze
learning on survival of these new cells. The water maze involved training rats
to find a submerged safe platform in a tub of water made opaque so that the
platform could not be seen. Training was performed under one of two conditions:
1) location of the platform was cued by an overhead black and white striped rod,
or 2) location was indicated by the spatial relationship of the platform to
objects outside the tub, such as objects on the room walls, that could be seen
by the rat.
The existing population of dentate cells was killed by low-level irradiation.
Rats could not form long-term memories for the safe location in the spatially
cued task. However, if they were trained after new neurons were born, then they
learned the task. This effect was specific to spatial cues, because new cells
were not needed to learn the task when the platform was indicated by the
vertical rod pointer. By irradiating certain groups of rats at different times
before and after training, the researchers found that new neurons 4-28 days old
at the time of training were important for the spatial learning. Thus, these new
neurons were functional. They knew what to do and how to do it.
Also demonstrated in other studies is the fact that the learning experience
prolonged the survival of new neurons.
So, it would seem that new neurons not only can be born in adult hippocampus,
but that they perform the learning job that was done by their predecessors, at
least as regarding learning that involves spatial relationships. A learning-rich
environment helps these new neurons live longer.
Source: Snyder, J. S. et al. 2005. A role for adult neurogenesis in spatial
long-term memory. Neuroscience. 130: 843-852.
New Neurons. Use Them or Lose Them
Many studies have demonstrated that new neurons are continuously being born in the hippocampus, the part of the brain that forms new memories. In rodents, the number of new neurons in the hippocampus is on the order of thousands per day. These new neurons may not survive and become useful in memory formation if they are not needed. Need seems to be established by ongoing requirements to form more memories. Learning increases the survival of neurons born up to a week before the learning. In other words, use them or lose them. A recent study of aged rodent learning of spatial relationships in a water maze has revealed that rats which were naturally good at learning mazes, learning increases the survival of new cells born before the learning. An earlier study had shown that in young rats, increased survival of new neurons occurred in all rats, irrespective of their previous memory abilities.
A critical window of time determines whether or not the new
neurons survive. In an experimental test of this time window, mice were housed
for one week in an environmentally rich environment, or for controls in regular
cages, beginning one week after injection with a new-neuron DNA-synthesis
marker. Results showed that lasting increase was restricted to new neurons that
appeared between one and three weeks before living in an enriched environment.
This corresponds to the time when new neurons are extending their neurons in
search of targets and their dendrites are developing synaptic contacts to the
neurotransmitters normally used in the hippocampus. The new neurons that
developed during this time window survived up to the four months of monitoring,
even when removed the enriched environment. It would seem that the learning
experiences encountered in a rich environment provide the stimulus needed to
help new neurons get established into memory-forming circuits, but there is a
limited critical time when this effect occurs.
Sources: Drapeau, E. et al. 2007. Learning-induced survival of new neurons
depends on the cognitive status of aged rats. J. Neuroscience. 27 (22):
6037-6044.
Tashiro, A., Makino, H., and Gage, F. H. 2007. Experience-specific functional modification of the dentate gyrus through adult neurogenesis: A critical period during an immature stage. J. Neurosci. 27: 3252-3259.
Remembering Names and Faces
The conventional wisdom about remembering names and
faces goes like this: find some special facial feature (like big nose, moles in
certain places, hairline, etc.) and use that to make an association with the
name. For example, someone named Bill who has a long nose can be visualized like
a bird with a long beak (bill). Someone named Barbara with a mole on her check
can be visualized as being shaved by a barber (a.k.a. Barbara) to remove the
mole.
Research, however, suggests that this approach may be counter-productive.
Experiments show that using verbal descriptions of facial details can actually
impair subsequent recognition of the face. In one experiment, subjects were
shown a video of a bank robbery. Half the group was required to write down a
verbal description before being asked to pick out the "robber" in a lineup.
These people made significantly more identification errors than the control
group that had not been asked to provide a description before the lineup.
It seems that the brain registers images best when it can process them as a
whole, rather than as a sum of its parts. Images are remembered best with a
global processing orientation during learning, without verbalization. Actually,
it is not words themselves that are the problem but the attention to detailed
features of an image rather than the "big picture."
So how do we deal with that for practical purposes of remembering names and
faces? No particular strategy has been tested, but let me suggest this: when you
meet a new person think first of the whole face. Ignore facial details that
might be distracting. See the forests, not the trees. Rehearse in you mind's eye
what the whole face looks like.
Now, how do you pin the name to that image? This gets even trickier, for now you
have to try to make an association of the name with a whole face. Maybe the
conventional approach would still work, if you first have cemented in your mind
the whole-face image. In some cases, you can make an association with the whole
face. The image of Bill, for example, can have a baseball cap (and its bill)
placed on top of the whole face image.
Maybe shortcuts can work. In some social environments, you don't need to
remember the face, it's the name that is important. In other situations, you
need only the first name, or the last name. In a few situations, it is only the
face that has to be remembered. The point is, limit the memory work load
whenever you can. If only the first name needs remembering, don't bother with
anything else.
Source: Macrae, C. N., and Lewis, H. L. 2002. Do I know you? Processing
orientation and face recognition. Psychological Science. 13 (2): 194-196.
Novel Stimuli Can Help Learning
Rehearsal of the “same old stuff:” can get boring. There is some research evidence to suggest that interposing some novel stimuli into the rehearsal session can help memory formation. In a study on the neurochemical effects of novel stimuli during learning, a group at University College of London found that the brain’s reward-system neurons respond better to novel stimuli than to ordinary stimuli. That is, novel stimuli can have rewarding properties, and thus make us pay more attention to them. In the purely behavioral aspects of their study, subjects viewing a succession of visual images were able to remember more of them if an occasional new image was presented.
I suspect that another reason novelty may help is that it breaks the routine and helps you pay attention better (see my book about attention and other posts on this Web page on attention). For those who want to use novelty to assist their studies or memory in general, I suggest that you have to be careful to make sure that novel stimuli are not distracting. Remember, memory consolidation is very vulnerable to interference from distracting stimuli. The best bet is to use novel stimuli that are relevant and can be used in construction associational cues for the items you are really trying to remember.
What is a practical way to do that? One thing that comes to mind is in studying flash cards. I suggest creating some “extraneous” flash cards. In a given stack of such cards, you can randomly slip in a couple of the novel ones. In fact, the novel cards can have legitimate memory items on them, but you don’t review these particular cards every time you go through the deck. A variant of this idea is to separate cards into stacks based on how well you have learned them. When rehearsing a stack that you know fairly well, insert a few of the cards from the stack that you have not memorized.
Source: Bunzeck, N. And Düzel, E. 2006.l Absolute coding of stimulus novelty in the human substantia nigra. Neuron. 51: 369-379.
Multi-tasking Is the Wrong Way
To Learn
Today's kids are in to multi-tasking. This is the
generation hooked on iPods, IM'ing, video games - not to mention TV!
According to a Kaiser Family Foundation study last year, school kids in all
grades beyond the second grade committed, on average, more than six hours per
day to TV or videos, music, video games, and computers. Almost one-third
reported that "most of the time" they did their homework while chatting on the
phone, surfing the Web, sending instant messages, watching TV, or listening to
music.
Kids think that this entertainment while studying helps their learning. It
probably does make learning less tedious, but it clearly makes learning less
efficient and less effective. Multi-tasking violates everything we know about
how memory works. Now we have objective scientific evidence that multi-tasking
impairs learning. A recent National Academy of Sciences study with college-age
students did an experiment where the subjects were to learn a task under two
conditions, one with no distractions and the other while listening to high- and
low-tone beeps, attending to the high ones. The total amount of learning was the
superficially the same in both conditions, but with distractions, the learned
was stereotyped and learners had difficulty in applying what they learned to
other contexts and situations. The study also used functional MRI (fMRI) to
assess brain activity under test conditions and the data indicated that the
memory task and the distraction stimuli engage different parts of the brain and
that these regions may be in competition with each other.
The study did not address the issue of passive distraction, such as listening to
music while studying. I think that music can also be a major distraction, except
for certain kinds of music played under muted conditions (see my book, pages 47,
165, and 197).
Source:
Foerde, K., Knowlton, Barbara J., and Poldrack, Russell A. 2006. Modulation of
competing memory systems by distraction. Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci. 103: 11778-11783.
How The Brain Fools You Into Thinking You Are Multi-tasking
Are you impressed with the multi-tasking abilities of young
people? Don't be. Our brain works hard to fool us into thinking it can do more
than one thing at a time. It can't. Recent MRI studies at Vanderbilt prove that
the brain is not built for good multi-tasking. When trying to do two things at
once, the brain temporarily shuts down one task while trying to do the other. In
their study, even doing something as simple as pressing a button when an image
is flashed causes a delay in brain operation. Their MRI images showed a central
bottleneck occurs when subjects were trying to do two things at once, such as
pressing the appropriate computer key in response to hearing one of eight
possible sounds and uttering an appropriate verbal response when seeing images.
Activity in the brain that was associated with each task was prioritized,
showing up first in one area and then in the other ―
not in both areas simultaneously. In other words, the brain only worked on one
task at a time, postponing the second task and deceiving the subjects into
thinking they were working on both tasks simultaneously. The delay between
switching functions can be as long as a second. It is highly likely, though not
yet studied, that the delays and confusing magnify with increases in the number
of different things one tries to do simultaneously.
Source:
Dux, P. E., Ivanoff, J., Asplund, C. LO., and Marois, R. 2007. Isolation of a
Central Bottleneck of Information Processing with Time-Resolved fMRI. Neuron. 52 (6):
1109-1120
Students Who
E-communicate Have Lower Grades
A new study of 517 California high-school students
found that grades were lower in those who socially interacted over the Internet
using MySpace, instant messaging (IM) accounts, or who used cell phones, had
lower grades than those who did not. In the study, students answered a
questionnaire on what social networking devices they used and when they used
them. The answers were paired with the grades (from the previous year and the
most recent report card).
In this study, 72% of the students had a My Space account, 76% had a cell phone,
and 68% had an IM address. Those who had a MySpace account had significantly
lower grades than those without an account. The same was true for those that
used IM, compared with thos who did not. Cell phone use was also associate4d
with lower grades and the effect was magnified if text messaging was used on
cell phones. Not surprisingly, if these devices were used during homework, the
grades were even lower than for students who used these technologies outside of
homework. Almost half reported text messaging during class time, and their
grades were lower than the students who only used IM outside of class.
These are correlational data and do not prove that using these devices causes
lower grades. But it is a good bet. Multi-tasking, as when using the
communication devices while trying to do homework or learn in class, is
well-known to interfere with memory . Poor memory yields lower grades. See my
other posts on multi-tasking.
Source:
Pierce, Tamyra, and Vaca, Roberto. 2007. Distracted: academic performance
differences between teen users of MySpace and other communication technologies.
Proceedings EISTA. Orlando, FL. July. http://www.cyber-inf.org/imsci2007/Program/html/program-5.htm
One of the things that sets professionals apart from amateurs
is their ability to focus on their area of expertise. I mean that literally. For
example, recent brain imaging studies of 20 non-musicians and 20 musical
conductors showed that the brains of both groups diverted activity from visual
areas of brain during listening tasks. Activity rose in auditory areas of brain
as it fell in visual areas. But during the harder tasks, brain activity changes
were less marked in the conductors. The conventional interpretation is that when
the brain focuses, it becomes more active in the areas that are processing the
subject of the focus. In well-trained subjects, such as conductors in this case,
their brain doesn't have to work so hard to pay attention to music, so there is
less need for the brain to be more active in the auditory areas.So what this
suggests is that ability to focus is a learned capability that derives from an
actual lasting change in brain.
In the experiment, subjects during the scan were asked to listen to two
different musical tones played a few thousandths of a second apart and identify
which was played first. The task was made harder for the conductors, to allow
for the differences from non-musicians. During the task, brain activity
increased in the auditory areas, while it decreased in visual areas. In other
words, the brain seems to allocate processing resources to the part of the brain
that needs it the most. As the task was made harder, non-musicians diverted more
and more activity to the auditory region as they struggled to concentrate.
The leader of the study, Jonathan Burdette, said "This is like closing your eyes
when you listen to music." That is, you can pay attention to the music better
when you brain is not being distracted by visual stimuli. He went on to make
this analogy: "Imagine the difference between listening to someone talk in a
quiet room and that same discussion in a noisy room - you don't see as much of
what's going on in the noisy room."
Three conclusions for improving everyday memory come to my mind:
1. The more knowledgeable you become in a certain area, the easier it is to pay
attention to salient information. This is a different twist on the old saying,
"The rich get richer and the poor get poorer."
2. Focus, and the attendant remembering that focus enables, is affected by
distracting stimuli. If you are trying to learn visual information (graphics or
text), a noisy background of music will make remembering worse because your
brain can't focus its resources where it belongs.
3. The more you know, the more you can know.
Source: Wake Forest University Baptist Medical Center (2007, November 6). Listen
Up, Tune Out: Training And Experience Can Affect Brain
Think of Memory Like a Fish Net
How Well People Think Depends On Working Memory
Conscious thought involves moving a succession of items
through scratch-pad or working memory. Think of it like streaming audio/video,
where “thought bites” move on to the scratch pad where they are used in the
thought process and then moved off the scratch pad to make room for the next
thought bite.

We think with what is in working or "scratch pad" memory. What
we know, stored in memory, is brought onto the scratch pad in successive stages,
each involving subjecting the knowledge to analysis, integration into the
current context, and creative re-organization via our thinking processes
("thought engine"). The animated version of this graphic shows item 1 moving on
to the scratch pad and then sent on to the "thought engine." This is followed by
item 2, then 3, etc.
Conscious thinking thus requires the ability to hold information “on line” long
enough to use it in thinking. What is on the scratch pad has to be remembered
long enough to generate the associated thought. Conscious thought thus seems to
be a serially ordered process of moving thought bites on to and off of the
scratch pad.
What about unconscious thought ... the kind that occurs when you are not paying
attention? We know that the subconscious mind is processing information (i.e.
“thinking”) all the time, even while we sleep. In fact, I have several blog
postings on the role of sleep on memory formation. Subconscious thinking and
its related memories may not involve a scratch pad of working memory.
Subconscious thinking could occur as multiple parallel processes and may be more
non-linear than conscious thought.
A recent paper, not explicitly concerning memory, sheds some important light
both on how we think and on the role of working memory in thought. In this
study, the researchers examined how people make the right choice. They compared
the quality of choice that resulted from conscious thinking with that resulting
from unconscious thinking. They found that best choice does not necessarily come
from conscious deliberation, although that is what most people would expect. An
alternative way of making choices is to “mull it over,” or “sleep on it,”
letting the subconscious mind work on the problem while you pay attention to
other things.
Here is how they studied this issue. In one study, subjects were given
information about the attributes of four hypothetical cars, and they were to
decide which was the best car based on the attributes assigned to each car.
Analysis conditions were either simple (based on only four attributes) or
complex (based on 12 attributes). After reading about the attributes, subjects
were assigned to one of two groups: conscious analysis or to an unconscious
thought condition. In the conscious condition, they thought about the attributes
for 4 minutes before making a choice. In the unconscious condition, subjects
were told they would have to make a choice in 4 minutes, but they were
distracted during that time by solving anagrams.
Not surprisingly, when only 4 attributes were involved, subjects in the
conscious-thought condition made the best choice of car. But when the complex
condition of 12 attributes was involved, results reversed. The best car was
chosen most reliably in the unconscious-thought condition.
In a second study, one change was made. Instead of choosing the best car,
subjects were asked about their attitudes toward the four cards. Again,
conscious thinkers made the clearest distinctions among the cars when only four
attributes were considered, but the opposite occurred when 12 attributes had to
be considered.
In another experiment, two stores were selected, one that sold complicated items
like furniture and the other a department store that sold simple products. As
people left the store, people were asked questions about what they bought, why
they bought it, how costly was it, and how much they thought about making the
choice. The buyers were categorized as either “thinkers” (those who spent a lot
of time consciously making a decision) and “impulse buyers” (who did not spend
much time consciously thinking about the choice). Several weeks later, these
same people were called to check on how satisfied they were with the purchase.
As expected, more post-choice satisfaction was found in the conscious thinker
group, but only for the simple items in the department store. For the complex
choices in the furniture store, the unconscious thinkers expressed the most
satisfaction with their purchases.
What all this says is that simple decisions are best made by careful conscious
thought. But for complicated decisions, the best choices may result from
“deliberation without paying attention,” that is letting the thinking be done by
the unconscious mind.
I interpret these results to reflect the dependence of conscious thought on
scratch-pad memory and the relative independence of subconscious thought on
scratch-pad memory. Conscious thought is very effective as long as it can work
on information that it can hold on-line in working memory. But working memory
has limited capacity. Therefore it cannot be very effective when the amount of
information needed for high-quality thought exceeds the carrying capacity of
working memory.
The corollary of this new evidence about working memory and thinking processes
is that if we had a bigger working memory, we might think better. I alluded to
this point in an earlier blog based on the work of Japanese scientists who
showed that in children, working memory capacity correlated with IQ and that
training aimed at expanding working memory capacity actually increased IQ.
Sources
1. Repovs, G and Bresjanac, M. 2006. Cognitive neuroscience of working memory: a
prologue. Neuroscience. 139: 1-3.
2. Dijksterhuis, A. et al. 2006. On making the right choice: the
deliberation-without-attention effect. Science. 311: 1005-1007.
Training Working Memory and IQ
Studies have shown that it is possible to train ADHD children
to have better working memories. This led researchers in Japan to try to develop
a simple working memory training method and to test whether this method can
increase the working memory capacity and whether this has any effect on a
child's IQ. Children ages 6-8 were trained 10 minutes a day each day for two
months. The training task to expand working memory capacity consisted of
presenting a digit or a word item for a second, with one-second intervals
between items. For example, a sequence might be 5, 8, 4, 7, with one-second
intervals between each digit. Test for recall could take the form of "Where in
the sequence was the 4?" or "What was the 3rd item?" Thus students had to
practice holding the item sequence in working memory. With practice, the
trainers increased the number of items from 3 to 8.
After training, researchers tested the children on another working memory task.
Scores on this test indicated in all children that working memory correlated
with IQ test scores. That is, children with better working memory ability also
had higher IQs. When comparing children who got working memory training with
those who did not, investigators found that children who got the working memory
training performed better than controls on the working memory test. When first
graders were tested for intelligence, the data showed that intelligence scores
increased during the year by 6% in controls, but increased by 9% in the group
that had been given the memory training. The memory training effect was even
more evident in the second graders, with a 12% gain in intelligence score in the
memory trained group, compared with a 6% gain in controls. As might be expected,
the lower IQ children showed the greatest gain from memory training.
So in conclusion, it seems that working memory capacity can be increased by
training and that such training may even raise IQ, at least in young children.
Source: Wajima, Kayo, and Sawaguchi, T. 2005. The effect of working memory
training on general intelligence in children. Society for Neuroscience
Abstracts. Abstract 772.11.
Working Memory Training
Raises IQ of Adults
I have pointed out in an earlier post how training young children
to increase their working memory capacity will increase their IQ. This same
phenomenon has now been demonstrated in young adults (mean age = 25.6 years).
Subjects were pre-tested on an IQ test involving visual analogy problems of increasing difficulty. Each problem presented a matrix of patterns in which one pattern was missing. The test was to identify the missing pattern from a set of alternatives. After training or a control without training, the test was repeated and scores compared.
The working memory task consisted of presenting at the same time two short series of stimuli, one visual and one auditory. The visual stimuli consisted of a small white square positioned at one of eight locations on a black screen and presented sequentially every three seconds. After seeing the series, the subject was tested with a test screen and asked to say if it matched the screen that was presented some n-number of screens earlier. This is a standard n-back paradigm often used to test working memory capacity. The n was adjusted to performance level and increased as subjects became proficient at remembering 2, then 3, etc. prior screens. A similar protocol was used for the auditory task, which involved hearing a recording of the sounds of a sequence of alphabet letters, with subjects asked to tell if a target test sound was the same as one they had heard 2, 3, or more sounds earlier.
Both working memory capacity and IQ improvements were seen in as little as 8 daily training sessions, and subjects steadily improved as training was extended to 19 days of training.
Source:
Jaeggi, S. M. et al. 2008. Improving fluid intelligence with training on working memory. Proc. Natl. Acad. Science. www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.0801268105
Working Memory Load Affects Paying Attention
Paying attention is pre-requisite to learning. The ability to
pay attention seems to be affected by how much information (load) is being
carried in working (scratch-pad) memory. These principles have been elucidated
in human experiments that tested the assumption that attending to relevant
details in a learning situation requires that the details be held in working
memory. Having other, non-relevant, information in working memory at the same
time serves as a distraction, lowering attention, and interfering with memory
formation.
In this experiment, participants performed an attention task that required them
to ignore pictures of distracter faces while holding in working memory a string
of digits that were in the same order (low memory load) or different order (high
memory order) on every trial. The test thus was one of multi-tasking, one task
being holding the digits in working memory and the other task being identifying
whether a name flashed on the screen was that of a famous politician or a pop
star, while a contradictory face was projected. For example, the name Mick
Jagger would have the face of Bill Clinton superimposed, and the task was to
know that Mick Jagger is a pop star, not a politician.
The attention performance degraded severely with high working memory load. That
is, the distracting faces created confusion when subjects were also required to
hold mixed-order digits in working memory at the same time.
The point is simple. It is hard to do two complicated things at once. The
growing trend, especially among young people, to multi-task may seem wonderful.
But actually, multi-tasking is most likely to interfere with focused attention
and, in turn, degrade memory formation and recall.
Source: de Fockert, J. W. et al. 2001. The role of working memory in visual
selective attention. Science. 291: 1803-1806.
Benefits of Increasing Working Memory
In an earlier post, I summarized some Japanese research showing that working memory capacity can be increased in young children and that such increase even improves IQ. Accumulating evidence seems to indicate that working memory, with proper training, can be improved in anyone, even adults. Improved working memory results in improved attention (recall my other posts about how the main memory problem in aging is usually not memory per se but poor attentiveness), better reasoning ability, and better self control.
I recently found a paper in which lasting increases in brain function were produced in healthy adults by only 5 weeks of practice on three working-memory tasks that involved the location of objects in space. Subjects performed 90 trials per day on a training regimen (CogMed) and MRI scans showed increased activity in the cortical areas that were involved in processing the visual stimuli. Brain activity increases in these areas appeared within the first week and grew over time.
Similar results have been reported by other investigators. In a few cases, where different kinds of stimuli were used, memory training induced a decrease of brain activity in certain areas, which is interpreted to indicate that the trained brain did not have to work as hard.
While we clearly don’t understand things very well, it seems clear that working memory training not only improves memory capability but also causes lasting changes in the brain.
Reference:
Olesen, P. J., Westerberg, H., and Kingberg, T. 2004. Increased prefrontal and parietal activity after training of working memory. Nature Neuroscience. 7: 75-79.
Help Your Working-Memory Capacity
I just read a fascinating book on increasing teacher awareness of the importance of working-memory capacity for teaching and learning strategies. Many youngsters have working memory limitations, and they usually do not grow out of them. This is a major and serious cause of low grades, poor learning skills, poor confidence, and life-long diminished motivation to learn
Limited working-memory capacity not only makes it difficult to form long-term memories, but it also impairs the ability to think and solve problems. I was told once by a middle-school teacher that her “special needs” students could do the same math as regular students, but they just couldn’t remember all the steps. This clearly reflects a limited working-memory capacity. If the demands made on working memory could be lessened, better thinking can result.
Certain strategies can help to reduce the load on working memory. Learners should encouraged to employ the following devices:
• Provide help, cues, mnemonics, reminders.
• KISS (Keep It Simple, Stupid!)(example: use short, simple sentences, present much of the instruction as pictures/diagrams).
• Don’t try to learn so much material at once. Less can be more.
• Facilitate rehearsal, uninterruptedly.
• Get engaged by asking questions, taking notes, and creating diagrams and concept maps.
• Attach meaning from what you already know. (The more you know, the more you can know).
• Organize information in small categories.
• Break down tasks into small chunks. Master each chunk sequentially, one at a time.
Source: Gathercole, Susan E., and Alloway, Tracy P. 2008. Working Memory and Learning. Sage Publications, 124 pages.
Updating Existing Memories Also Requires Consolidation
As a newly forming memory develops (see
chapter on memory consolidation in my book), it is susceptible to disruption by
mind wandering, other stimuli, distractions, etc. When a new memory is
retrieved, a re-consolidation process will be required if updated information
needs to be incorporated. Such re-consolidation involves a new round of protein
synthesis in brain cells, similar to that which is needed to make the initial
learning a lasting memory. Likewise, a re-consolidation process must be
protected from disruptive influences if the updated information is to be
integrated and consolidated with the original learning.
Source: Rodriguez-Ortiz, C. J. et al. 2005. Spatial memory undergoes
post-retrieval consolidation only if updating information is acquired. Soc.
Neuroscience Abstract 654.20.
Tests do more than just measure learning.
Tests are learning events. That is, testing forces retrieval of incompletely
learned material and that very act of retrieval helps to make the learning more
permanent. Testing, and not actual studying, is the key factor on whether or not
learning is consolidated into longer term memory.
A recent experiment by J. D.Karpicke and H. L. Roediger at Washington University
in St. Louis, examined the role that retrieval had on the ability to recall that
same material after a delay of a week. In the experiment, college students were
to learn a list of 40 foreign language vocabulary word pairs, which were
manipulated so that the pairs either remained in the list (were repeatedly
studied) or were dropped from the list once they were recalled. It is like
studying flash cards: one way is to keep studying all the cards over and over
again; the other way is to drop out a card from the stack every time you
correctly recalled what was on the other side of the card. In the experiment,
after a fixed period of study time, students were tested over either the entire
list or a partial list of only the pairs that had not been dropped. Four study
and test periods alternated back-to-back. Students were also asked to predict
how many pairs they would be able to remember a week later, and their
predictions were compared with actual results on a final test a week later.
The initial learning took about 3-4 trials to master the list, and was not
significantly affected by the strategy used (rehearsing the entire list or
dropping items out as they were recalled). On average, the students predicted
that they would be able to remember about half of the list on a test that was to
be given a week later. However, actual recall a week later varied considerably
depending on learning conditions. On the final test, students remembered about
80% of the word pairs if they had been tested on all the word pairs, no matter
whether they had been studied multiple times with all of them in the list or if
they dropped correctly recalled words from the list in later study trials.
However, recall was only about 30% correct when correctly identified words were
dropped from subsequent tests, even though all words were studied repeatedly. In
other words, it was the repeated testing, not the studying, that was the key
factor in successful longer-term memory.
So, what is the practical application? When using flash cards, for example, you
need to follow each study session (whether or not you drop cards from the stack
because you know them), with a formal test over all the cards. Then, repeat the
process several times, with study and test epochs back-to-back. Can we extend
this principle of frequent testing to other kinds of learning strategies?
Probably. But there are no formal experiments.
Let us speculate on the case of trying to remember names of people at a party.
You might study the name of each person by using it in conversation or
associating the name with some feature of the person's anatomy or personality.
Then, silently quiz yourself, looking at the person and asking yourself to
recall the person's name. Then, repeat the study-and-test process several times.
You would have to keep number of people low (say four to six), because you may
not have many opportunities to hear the name repeated other than your own
repeating it in conversation. In most practical learning situations, you will
not be given repeat tests immediately after each study session, so you must
simulate that with self-tests.
Why does forced recall, as during testing, promote consolidation? It probably
relates to other recent discoveries showing that each time something is recalled
the memory is re-consolidated. If the same information is consolidated again and
again, the memory is presumably reinforced.
The failure of students to predict how well they would remember is consistent
with my 40 years experience as a professor. Students are frequently surprised to
discover after an examination that they did not know the material as well as
they thought they did. Tests not only reveal what you know and don't know, they
serve to increase how much you eventually learn. If I were still teaching, I
would give more tests. And I would encourage students to use self-testing as a
routine learning strategy, something that one study revealed to be a seldom-used
strategy. The repeated self-tests should include all the study material and not
drop out the material that the student thinks is already mastered.
Source: Karpicke, Jeffrey D., and Roedinger, Henry L. III. 2008. The critical
importance of retrieval for learning. Science. 319: 966-968.
Did you know that you could learn a motor
skill just by watching somebody perform the skill? Well you may not learn to
pitch like Roger Clemens just by watching him, but there is now scientific
evidence that some motor learning can occur just by watching. This is somewhat
like the "off-line" learning that I described in an earlier blog posting "Are
Motor Skills Learned Better at Night?"
Here, the idea, based originally on studies in monkeys, is that several parts of
the brain involved in controlling movement, such as the motor cortex, contain
some neurons that discharge both when a motor act is performed AND when it is
just observed. These have been called "mirror neurons" because they mirror the
neural activity that goes on when the movement is actually performed. Recently,
a team of scientists at the National Institutes of Health and in a German
university have developed a way to test for this kind of observational learning
in humans. The approach is to elicit a reproducible movement, of the thumb for
example, by a magnetic stimulator placed on the scalp overlying the motor
cortex. Then, the experimental subjects teach themselves to move the thumb in
the direction opposite to that which is created by the stimulus. So the stimulus
comes on, and you make yourself over-ride it by moving the thumb in the opposite
direction. For example, if the stimulus caused the thumb to go up (extend), the
learning task is to make the thumb go down (flex) during stimulation. The
investigators hypothesized that humans would have mirror neuron systems that
would enable learning of this movement task just by watching somebody else do
it. Guess what? It works!
All 10 subjects that they trained in this way could learn the task just by
watching it performed for 30 minutes. They practiced the movement in their
"mind's eye." All subjects showed about a four-fold increase in desired movement
after observation practice only. Actual physical practice achieved about a
12-fold increase of correct movement compared to the untrained state. So,
although actual practice works better than just watching, there is clear
indication that significant "off-line" learning occurs just from watching
correct movements.
Practical implications: the authors of the study pointed out that observational
learning could be very helpful for rehabilitation of patients who have
difficulty in generating movements or who are unable to understand verbal
instructions. I would add that observational motor learning could supplement
actual practice learning in normal people who want to improve a motor skill for
a sport, musical instrument, or work task.
Source: Stefan, K. et al. 2005. Formation of a motor memory by action
observation. J. Neuroscience. 25 (4): 9339-9346.
Learning One Movement Skill at a Time
"Motor memory" refers to a mental model (MM)
that the brain constructs from past experience. In the example given by
researchers Reza Shadmehr and Thomas Brashara-Krug, when a person plans to pick
up a brick, a MM of the amount of force required to pick up the brick is used to
execute the action. The brain does not estimate the force as if it were a
feather nor if it were a sack of cement, rather it uses its memory of what a
brick weighs to create a model of how much force will be needed to pick it up.
In the studies they reported, they used a robotic arm that subjects used to
manipulate objects. In learning how to use the mechanical arm, subjects had to
create a MM of how to make it do what they wanted. Like other kinds of learning,
the MM is consolidated with practice into long-term memory. Moreover, motor
performance continues to improve, even after actual practice has stopped,
indicating that the MM itself may be subconsciously rehearsed, off-line so to
speak.
Motor memory processes have great applicability in everything from learning to
touch-type to learning to throw a football to a moving target. The study by
Shadmehr and Brashara-Krug explored the finding that a recently acquired MM
(MM1) can be disrupted if a second MM (MM2) was introduced too soon after
MM1.That is, a MM1 has to have enough time to consolidate, just as declarative
memories do.
Also, a MM1 can interfere with learning a MM2, if there is not enough time
separation between learning the two motor tasks. This was demonstrated in the
present study by having 60 subjects learn how to make two conflicting movements
using the robotic arm. The MM for both tasks could be learned but only if the
training sessions were separated by at least 5 hours. If the interval was
shorter, learning of the second MM (MM2) was impaired, as was the likelihood of
consolidating the first MM.
The “take home message” of this research is that learning different movement
tasks should be separated in time, lest there be interference with forming
long-term memory of both tasks. My explanation is the following: Once MM1 gets
consolidated (that is, after about 5 hours), the circuits that sustain its
short-term representation now become available for learning a second motor
memory (MM2. That is, MM1 has proactive interfering after-effects that dissipate
with consolidation of the MM1 and thus no longer interfere with learning an MM2.
Athletic coaches might be well advised to ponder the application of this
principle.
Shadmehr, R., and Brfashers-Krug, T. 1997. Functional stages in the formation of
human long-term motor memory. J. Neuroscience. 17(1): 409-419.
Overtraining: You Can Learn
Too Much
Naps may be helpful for learning tasks other than those involving movement
(see earlier note on work by Korman et al.). An early study on the effects
of napping had developed a useful texture discrimination task in which a
visual display of horizontal bars has superimposed on it a brief display of
three diagonal bars, followed by a blank screen, and then by a mask. The
interval between the target and the mask is varied and the interval needed
to achieve 80% correct responses is used as a measure of perceptual ability
and working memory.
After a single training session, performance on this task improves only
after subjects have had a normal night's sleep after the day's training. To
be effective, a normal amount of dream sleep, which occurs mostly in early
morning, is needed.
In a follow up study by another investigator, subject performance
unexpectedly deteriorated if they were given 60-minute training sessions
four times at regular intervals on the same day. In other words, the more
the subjects were trained, the poorer they performed. However, this
interference did not occur if subjects were allowed to nap for 30-60 minutes
between the second and third sessions.
It is hard to explain why over-training disrupts performance, but one has to
suspect that as training trials are repeated the information starts to
interfere with memory consolidation, perhaps because of boredom or fatigue
in the neural circuits that mediate the learning. Napping must have a
restorative function that compensates for the negative effects of
overtraining. What all this suggests to me is that memory consolidation
would be optimized if learning occurred in short sessions that are repeated
but only with intervening naps and on different days with regular night-time
sleep. In other words, repeating long study periods in the same day on the
same task can be counter-productive. This is yet another reason why students
should not cram-study for exams. Learning should be optimized by rehearsing
the same learning material on separate days where normal sleep occurred each
night.
Sources:
Maquet, P. et al. 2002. Be caught napping: you're doing more than resting
your eyes.Nature Neuroscience. 5 (7); 618-619.
Mednick, Sara, et al. 2002. The restorative effect of naps on perceptual
deterioration.Nature Neuroscience. 5 (7): 677-681.
back to index
Sleep Loss Has Proactive Memory Impairing Effects
In earlier postings,
I told readers about research showing how sleep is necessary to consolidate
memories of the day's learning events. Now, there is a new study that reveals
that lack of sleep BEFORE learning interferes with the consolidation of memories.
Formally, this is called a "proactive interference" effect, because it occurs in
advance.
In this study Matthew Walker and colleagues at Harvard conducted an experiment
in which students were paid not to sleep one night and then try to learn 30
words the next day. Then they were given two nights' of full sleep to catch up on
sleep loss, whereupon they returned to the lab for testing on how many of the 30
words they remembered. Compared to a control group that was not sleep deprived
prior to the learning session, sleep-deprived students remembered 40% fewer
words. In accordance with what other labs had shown, remembering was affected by
emotional associations. Sleep-deprived subjects were only 19% worse than controls
for words that had negative connotations, while they were 59% worse with
positive-connotation words.
The upshot of it all is that lack of sleep is bad for remembering, whether the
sleep loss occurs before or after learning events.
Source: Walker, M. 2006. Annual meeting, Society for Neuroscience.
There is much evidence to indicate that memory for a day's
events is being formed during sleep. I go into all this in my memory book's
chapter on sleep. Nobody knows how sleep helps memory, but I have come across a
study that may explain why sleep helps to consolidate short-term memories into
longer-term memory.
The study was conducted in the brain imaging lab of Thomas Pollmacher at the Max
Planck Institute in Munich, Germany. He and his colleagues performed magnetic
resonance images in human volunteers. A text stimulus was presented to
sleep-deprived subjects prior to and after the onset of sleep, and imaging was
performed to compare wakefulness response to the sound stimuli with that during
various stages of non-dreaming sleep. The results indicated a suppression of
activity in the usual auditory pathways during sleep. Activity in the visual
cortex is also greatly suppressed, suggesting that sleep protects the brain from
the arousing effects of external stimulation during sleep, not only in the
primary targeted sensory cortex but also in other brain regions that are
interconnected with visual cortex.
In my book I stress how important it is to avoid distractions and new learning
before old-learning processes are completed. Most studies of this issue have led
to the conclusion that consolidation processes only take a few hours. But it now
seems that consolidation of memory occurs over many hours (at least in
sleep-deprived subjects) and that sleep facilitates consolidation by blocking
out interference effects.
This is not the whole story, however. The Pollmacher study dealt with non-dream
sleep. We know from many other studies that dreaming is also important to memory
formation. Just how remains to be discovered.
Source: Czisch M.; Wetter T.C.; Kaufmann C.; Pollmächer T.; Holsboer F.; Auer
D.P. 2002. Altered Processing of Acoustic Stimuli during Sleep: Reduced Auditory
Activation and Visual Deactivation Detected by a Combined fMRI/EEG Study.
Neuroimage. 16(1): 251-258.
Are Motor Skills Learned Better at Night?
Want to learn how to touch type? Or play the piano? Or hit a
dime with football passes? Maybe you should do your learning at night. Some
intriguing recent research raises the possibility that such motor skills may be
learned better with night-time training than with training in the morning. As I
point out in my book, Thank You Brain For All You Remember, there is abundant
evidence that sleep helps to stabilize and consolidate memories of the day's
learning, but this study adds a new dimension.
What this present study did was evaluate the stabilization and consolidation of
a learned finger-movement sequence that occurs as time elapses after the initial
learning session. Other investigators had shown that memory of motor learning
develops "off-line," without practice, after the learning session. This is true
whether the non-practice interval is during the day or during sleep at night. In
this study, one group of subjects was trained at 8 AM and re-tested 12 hours
later. Another group was trained at 8 PM and likewise re-tested 8 hours later.
In both groups skill was demonstrably better after the off-line interval. But
the investigators wanted to know if memory-disrupting influences would have the
same effect in morning or evening training sessions. To test this, they
disrupted function of the motor cortex with magnetic stimulation delivered to
the scalp overlying the motor cortex for 10 minutes immediately after the
learning session. When such subjects were re-tested 12 hours later, they found
that the expected off-line learning improvement did occur in the overnight
off-line condition but no improvement occurred in the daytime off-line
condition. In other words, the memory interference caused by magnetic
stimulation could not be compensated for by off-line learning during the daytime
but was compensated for by the night-time off-line situation.
Is this analogous to real-world conditions? Though our learning is not normally
disrupted by transcranial magnetic stimulation, numerous stimuli, experiences
and thoughts after a learning experience can disrupt memory consolidation.
During the daytime, the numerous memory-disruptive influences can definitely
interfere with off-line consolidation of material that we learn in the morning.
But with night-time learning, there are far fewer disruptive sensory and
cognitive influences, because we are asleep.
Since our football team is not doing very well these days, I think I'll tell the
coach about this study. Maybe the daily practice sessions ought to be held in
early evening.
Source: Robertson, E. M., Press, D. Z., and Pascual-Leone, A. 2005. Off-line
learning and the primary motor cortex. J. Neuroscience. 25(27):6372-6378.
Need to Learn Something Quickly? Try a Nap
Daytime naps are said to rejuvenate
energy and lower stress. Now there is evidence that naps speed up consolidation
of memories. Maria Korman and her group at the University of Haifa evaluated
consolidation of a procedural memory task of learning to bring the thumb and
finger together in a specific sequence. Half of the subjects were allowed to
take an afternoon 90-min nap after training, while the other group stayed awake.
The group that napped showed a distinct improvement in task performance when
tested that evening. After a night's sleep, both groups showed the same
improvement in acquired skill. So, it would appear that the nap just speeded up
the consolidation process, rather than improving on the improvement that a
regular night's sleep can produce.
The role of napping on interference effects was also tested. We know from
numerous studies that consolidation of new learning is easily disrupted by
distracting or other new learning experiences. In this experiment, another group
of subjects learned a different thumb-to-finger movement sequence two hours
after practicing the first task. Learning a second task right after the first
was expected to interfere with learning of the first task. This proved to be the
case; there was no improvement in performance of the first task either that
evening or the next day after a normal night's sleep. However, based on the
findings of the first experiment where a nap speeded up consolidation, the
experimenters created yet another group of subjects that were allowed a 90-min
nap between learning the first movement task and the second movement task. In
this case, performance on the first task was improved when they were tested the
next day after a normal night's sleep. Thus, the nap actually prevented the
otherwise memory disrupting effect of a second learning task, presumably because
the nap speeded up memory consolidation of the initial learning so that it was
resistant to interference effects.
There are practical implications here, at least for procedural memories. This
study indicates that if you need to learn a "how to" kind of task quickly, you
should take a nap just afterward. One perhaps trivial illustration might be for
football coaches who introduce some new training in the morning of a game to be
played later that evening. After the morning workout, they should let the
players take a nap that afternoon. Or for "two-a-days" workouts in the summer,
maybe players need a nap between sessions, not just to rest but to consolidate
the training.
Source: Korman, M. et al. 2007. Daytime sleep condenses the time course of motor
memory consolidation. Nature Neuroscience. 10 (9): 1206-1213.
More Confirmation on Sleep Loss Impairment of Memory
In this study, 28 healthy young adults were divided into two groups. On the first day, one group was kept awake for 35 straight hours. Participants in the other group spent a normal sleep night at home. At 6 PM of the next day, all subjects watched a slide show of 150 slides of landscapes, objects, and people who weren't celebrities. All subjects also got MRI brain scans. The scans showed that brain areas involved in memory, such as the hippocampus, were more active in the subjects who got a normal night's sleep. It is as if these areas were too tired to work well. All subjects then were sent home to have a normal night's sleep.
The next evening all subjects took a pop quiz on the slides, which were randomly mixed with 75 new slides. The test was for subjects to recognize whether they had seen each slide before. Those subjects who had been sleep deprived on the first night scored the lowest, even though they later had a night to catch up on lost sleep. Note that the test conditions involved losing sleep on one night, then learning stuff on the next day, followed by a normal night's sleep, and then being tested the next day. This is a "proactive" effect, where sleep loss before learning impairs learning. I have reviewed other studies that show impairment when sleep loss occurs at the same time as learning, as in cramming for exams.
Source: Yoo, S., Hu, P. T., Gujar, N., Jolesz, F. A., and Walker, M. P. 2007. A deficit in the ability to form new human memories without sleep. Nature Neuroscience. 10: 385-392.
"Mental time travel" is what we do when
we retrieve a memory. Our brain has to go back in time to reactivate the neural
networks that contain the representation of the original memory and its
associated cues. How does the brain do that? That is, how does the brain select
among its hundreds of thousands of representational networks the one network
that it needs to find at the moment
Is this a random-access process like that used in computer searches? Probably
not. Computers can do random-access searches because they operate at time scales
of microseconds or nanoseconds. The brain, alas, must lumber along at
millisecond speeds.
A leading theory for how the brain does it is that memories are indexed by
category, thus reducing the difficulty of a search. The basic idea is that
during recall, the brain uses categorical general knowledge as contextual cues
for the specific memory being sought. For example, in trying to remember what
you saw on a trip to a zoo, you would use your zoo category, that is, your
general knowledge of the kinds of animals usually seen at zoos as cues to assist
in the recall of animals that you actually did see. As specific details emerge
in the recall process, these serve as further cues to refine the search. By the
way, in my book, Thank You Brain for All You Remember, I go to great lengths to
explain and illustrate the importance of cues in both creating and retrieving
memory.
This theory has now been tested in a brain-scan (MRI) study of humans engaged in
memory retrieval tasks. Scans were made during recall for three categories of
pictures (faces, objects, locations). Specific patterns of cerebral cortex
activity were associated with specific picture categories. During recall
testing, these cortical activity patterns correlated with correct verbal recalls
from the category normally associated with that pattern of cortex activity.
Moreover, the cortical activity pattern preceded by several seconds the
verbalization of the correct memory response. Correctness of recall could
actually be predicted by the pattern of MRI activity that was seen just prior to
recall attempt.
So, the brain seems to have circuits that select for specific categories of
information. Think of it like a huge filing cabinet, where each drawer (set of
cortex circuitry) contains files that all share the same category.
As a practical memory-improvement matter, all of this emphasizes the importance
of organizing learning by category and by creating many associative cues for the
items in that category. I illustrate this with a practical example of how I go
about retrieving the name of someone I used to know. See "tip-of-the-tongue"
example in my memory advice column (http://thankyoubrain.com/AnswerArchives.htm).
Source:
Polyn, Sean M. et al. 2005. Category-specific cortical activity precedes
retrieval during memory search. Science. 310: 1963-1966.
The Sudden Loss of Memory Phenomenon
Ever go to the refrigerator to get something and suddenly
realize that you don’t remember what you were looking for? Well, you are not
alone, and we think we know why this happens. There are two possibilities: 1)
something distracted you and put new information “on top of” what was in your
working memory, or 2) something that was on your mind
before you decided
to get something out of the refrigerator impaired your ability to hold the item
in your working memory.
Working memory, necessary as it is for thinking (see the post dated just before
this one), has several limitations. One is that the capacity is limited.
Remember the 7 + rule described in another post? There is also the problem that
distractions or new information can over-write and erase what is in working
memory.
Now we learning that there is such a thing as “proactive” interference. That is,
working memory is impaired by
previous material that was in the working memory. One study even
indicated that forgetting from working memory would be minimal if it were not
for proactive interference. People differ in their susceptibility to such
interference, and it is not clear if there are training protocols that could
make the brain less susceptible.
Experimentally, these issues are studied by a “recent-probes” task, in which
participants are presented a target set of items, such as letters, to remember
for several seconds (letters have to be held in working memory). Then
participants are given a single probe item (letter, for example) and must decide
whether this probe item matches one of the letters in the original set. Some
probes match (considered positive probes) and some will not (negative probes).
To demonstrate the ability of a previous trial to influence the current one,
experimenters can introduce a probe (letter) that was not a member of the
current trial’s target set (but was a member of the prior set) just prior to
presentation of the current trial’s set. Then, the ability to remember if the
next probe letter was in the current set can be tested to see if interference
had occurred. They find that letters in a prior trial can interfere with ability
to recall the letters in the current trial.
Researchers are now studying with brain imaging how these influences are
controlled in the brain. Activity in the left inferior frontal cortex is
important in resolving such conflicts and in correctly remembering what was in
working memory.
So what is the practical application of such studies? For one thing, the
notorious low-capacity of working memory could be due to proactive interference.
If we could reduce the interference, we should be able to increase working
memory capacity. As I described in an earlier post, just practicing working
memory demands for more items may actually increase memory span, and that effect
might be due to unintended training to resolve proactive interferences. I think
that such studies show why it is so important to pay attention and stay focused
when trying to remember. Any non-relevant stimuli carry the potential to cause
proactive interference. When faced with serious memory tasks, get in an
environment that does not supply irrelevant information. Force yourself to think
only of things that are relevant to what you are trying to think about and
remember. Concentrate!
Sources:
Jonides, J., and Nee, D. E. 2006. Brain mechanisms of proactive interference in
working memory. Neuroscience. 139: 181-193.
Keppel, G.,and Underwood, B. J. 1962. Proactive inhibition in short-term
retention of single items. J. Verb. Learn. Verb. Behav. 1: 153-161.
Forgetting Can Be Good - Solving the "Tip-of-the-Tongue" Problem
Ever forget something you know you know ... like a friend's name or some other
equally embarrassing piece of information? It is on the tip of your tongue, but
you just can't get it out.
New research suggests that the problem is a failure to forget. That is, you
remember too many wrong things that interfere with the recall of what you want.
Researchers at Stanford University recently clarified this problem by a study in
which subjects were required to recall words from among many similar words that
they had also seen.They viewed a succession of word pairs. A given cue word was
paired with six associated words; example: ATTIC - dust, ATTIC - junk, etc.
Participants practiced retrieving only half of the associates of half of the
cues, with each practiced associate repeated three times. During practice and
recall testing, a word cue was presented along with the first letter of the
missing word in the pair. This design forced subjects to recall in the face of
competing memories. For example, the might have to recall ATTIC - d (dust), even
though their memories were cluttered with the other five ATTIC word pairs (ATTIC
- junk, etc.). Subjects were also tested on how well they remembered the word
pairs that they had seen before but not practiced.
Recall effectiveness ranged from about 30 to 80%, with better performance
correlating with poor recall of those words that they were not supposed to
remember. In other words, the better subjects could forget irrelevant
information, the better they could recall what they were supposed to remember.
During all of the testing, subjects had their brains scanned by MRI, and these
results showed a decrease in brain activity in the brain areas that detect and
resolve memory competition as a given word pair was rehearsed. That is, as the
learning progressed, there is a decrease in the amount of work the brain has to
do. Interestingly, with the irrelevant word pairs, the effectiveness at
forgetting was associated with still greater decreases in brain activity. That
is, forgetting of competing memories lowered the required workload for
remembering the relevant memories.
Clearly, "tip-of-the-tongue" recall problems would benefit from strategies that
improve the ability to forget irrelevant memories. I am not aware of any formal
studies that tell you how to do this. My own experience shows the importance of
two strategies: 1) recognize irrelevant memories and try hard not to thing of
them, and 2) try to remember all the cues that were associated with what you are
trying to remember. For example, I recently had a need to remember the first
name of a graduate student I had some 30 years ago. His last name was Smith.
Unfortunately, the only first name for Smith that came to mind was Stan Smith,
the famous tennis player (I am a tennis fan). I immediately knew this was not my
Smith and I had to force myself not to thing of Stan, because that was blocking
retrieval. The next step was to think of all the cues that I did remember about
my Smith. I remembered what he looked like (tall, skinny). I remembered the
research project we did (hypnotizing rabbits) and the details of the
experiments. I recalled the front paper of our publication, where it listed the
title of the paper and our names. Voila! I saw his first first name: Greg. The
right answer just popped into my brain, no doubt triggered by all the cues.
Source: Kuhl, B. A. et al. 2007. Decreased demands on cognitive control reveal
the neural processing benefits of forgetting. Nature Neuroscience. Published
online: 3 June; | doi:10.1038/nn1918.
http://www.nature.com/neuro/journal/vaop/ncurrent/suppinfo/nn1918_S1.html
Each Time You Recollect, Something New Can Happen
When you recall something you have remembered, as in rehearsing a memory, that memory can be changed. Usually, we don’t want the memory to change — we are rehearsing in the first place to make the memory stick. But we need to be aware that the rehearsal process can not only improve the memory, it also creates an opportunity for the memory to be changed, leading to a false memory, or even forgetting.Now, evidence from multiple labs shows that each time you recall something you have learned, the memory has to be re-consolidated. This means that during recall, the memory again becomes susceptible to change or even forgetting.
One striking example of this is recently reported from a study of rats that were conditioned to be afraid anytime they were put in the test chamber, because the first time that they were first put in there, they got electric shocks to their feet. Such learned fear in rats leads to freeze behavior — they don’t move much, and a researcher can measure how much time they spend without moving as a metric of fear. In this study, after rats had learned this conditioned fear response (it only takes one time), they were later tested for the time they spent immobile when put back into the chamber. But in one group of rats, a tranquilizing drug was given 5 min after rats were put in the “fear chamber” a second time, after they had learned to fear impending foot shock (even though feet were never shocked again). When retested some 10 days later, the rats that had been given tranquilizer during the earlier recall trial showed little freeze behavior, indicating that they had forgotten what they learned and what they were forced to rehearse when they were put into the fear chamber a second time. The drug treatment and its timing caused them to forget to be afraid. Note that there was a rather surprising finding that the drug had no convincing impairing effect when given during the consolidation period of the initial learning trial. But when given during a re-consolidation period of a second rehearsal trial, profound forgetting effects were noted. The drug interference effect could be seen for up to 60 minutes after re-consolidation, not later. That is, rats would forget if they were given the tranquilizer any time up to 60 minutes after being re-tested in the fear chamber during a recall trial, but injections after that time did not impair the memory (i.e., it had been re-consolidated successfully).
So what is the practical application of such studies? We don’t know for sure yet, because the idea has not been tested yet in humans. But such experiments do suggest strongly that during recall, a memory trace becomes vulnerable once again. The memory may be lost altogether. That could be good, if you are trying to erase bad memories that are having a bad effect on mental health. The memory may also be altered. That can be bad or good. If the memory becomes corrupted, it can lead to a false memory that one firmly believes for a long time, even though it is wrong. On the other hand, the memory can actually become enriched, if re-consolidation involves new information that expands the amount of information stored and the improves the quality of the original information. So, remember, that even though rehearsal promotes retention, it may not always be helpful. Be careful about what happens during the process of recall. Stayed focused during rehearsal of things you are trying to remember. Make certain there are not distractions or extraneous information being inserted into your memorizing process.
Source: Bustos, S. G, H. Maldonado, and Molina, V. A. 2006. Midazolam disrupts fear memory reconsolidation. Neuroscience. 138: 831-842.
Belief About Memory Ability Becomes a Self-fulfilling Prophecy
If you think you don’t have a good memory, you probably don’t.
But it is not just a matter of self-awareness. Beliefs about memory ability seem
to cause poor memory. A recent study of memory in the elderly provides strong
evidence that stereotypical attitudes about losing memory with age may actually
cause poor memory. More importantly, more positive, yet implicit,
self-stereotyping can improve memory.
Earlier investigators had noticed that older people do NOT have poor memories if
they live in cultures (such as China) where old age is venerated and there is no
general bias about mental deterioration with age. Picking up on this theme, a
Harvard University researcher studied 90 people, age 60 or older, and found that
memory task performance was improved by a single-session intervention that
created positive stereotypes. A corresponding decrease in memory performance was
produced by interventions that created negative stereotypes. The intervention
conditioned belief about memory capability in an implicit way; that is, subjects
were not aware that they were being "brainwashed."
In the implicit procedure, subjects viewed a list of about 50 words that either
represented senile behaviors (absent-minded, etc.) or represented “wise”
behaviors (“sees all sides of issues,” etc.). The lists were presented
subliminally on a computer screen, and the subjects were asked to notice whether
a flash occurred above or below a bullseye that they were to focus on. Subjects
were to signal the location of the flash as soon as they could with a computer
key press. The rate of stimulus presentation was slow enough to allow the
subliminal messages to be encoded but fast enough to keep them from being
registered consciously. Messages were presented in five sets, each containing 20
words.
Before and after the intervention, subjects were given three different kinds of
memory tests that are known to assess the kinds of memory decline that occur in
old age. Compared with their pre-test memory scores, post-test scores increased
in the group that was primed with words signifying wisdom and were lower in the
group that was primed with words suggesting senility.
A subset of subjects was exposed to a fake “memory-enhancing light.” They then
read a story and were quizzed on its contents, but they were given false
positive feedback and attributions of success. When they took the standard
battery of tests taken by the implicitly primed group, there was no improvement
in memory scores over their pre-test scores. Failure of the explicit
conditioning to have